|Part of a series on|
|Islamic female dress|
|Practice and law by country|
A hijab (/ , , /,; Arabic: حجاب ḥijāb, pronounced [ħɪˈdʒaːb] or Egyptian Arabic: [ħeˈɡæːb]) in common English usage is a veil worn by some Muslim women in the presence of any male outside of their immediate family, which usually covers the head and chest. The term can refer to any head, face, or body covering worn by Muslim women that conforms to Islamic standards of modesty. Hijab can also refer to the seclusion of women from men in the public sphere, or it may denote a metaphysical dimension, for example referring to "the veil which separates man or the world from God."
In the Qur'an, hadith, and other classical Arabic texts the term khimār (Arabic: خِمار) was used to denote a headscarf, and ḥijāb was used to denote a partition, a curtain, or was used generally for the Islamic rules of modesty and dress for both males and females.
In its traditional form, it is worn by women to maintain modesty and privacy from unrelated males. According to the Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World, modesty in the Quran concerns both men's and women's "gaze, gait, garments, and genitalia." The Qur'an instructs Muslim women to dress modestly. Some Islamic legal systems define this type of modest clothing as covering everything except the face, hands up to wrists, and feet. These guidelines are found in texts of hadith and fiqh developed after the revelation of the Qur'an but, according to some, are derived from the verses (ayahs) referencing hijab in the Qur'an. Some believe that the Qur'an itself does not mandate that women wear hijab.
In the Qur'an, the term hijab refers to a partition or curtain in the literal or metaphorical sense. The verse where it is used literally is commonly understood to refer to the curtain separating visitors to Muhammad's house from his wives' lodgings. This had led some to argue that the mandate of the Qur'an to wear hijab applied to the wives of Muhammad, and not women generally.
In recent times, wearing hijab in public has been required by law in Saudi Arabia (for Muslims), Iran and the Indonesian province of Aceh. Other countries, both in Europe and in the Muslim world, have passed laws banning some or all types of hijab in public or in certain types of locales. Women in different parts of the world have also experienced unofficial pressure to wear or not wear hijab.
In Islamic scripture
|Part of a series on|
The Quran instructs both Muslim men and women to dress in a modest way, but there is disagreement on how these instructions should be interpreted. The verses relating to dress use the terms khimār (head cover) and jilbāb (a dress or cloak) rather than ḥijāb. In the Quran, there are over 6,000 verses and only about half a dozen refer specifically to the way a woman should dress or walk in public.
And say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their private parts; that they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their khimār over their breasts and not display their beauty except to their husband, their fathers, their husband's fathers, their sons, their husbands' sons, their brothers or their brothers' sons, or their sisters' sons, or their women, or the slaves whom their right hands possess, or male servants free of physical needs, or small children who have no sense of the shame of sex; and that they should not strike their feet in order to draw attention to their hidden ornaments.
O Prophet! Enjoin your wives, your daughters, and the wives of true believers that they should cast their outer garments over their persons (when abroad): That is most convenient, that they may be distinguished and not be harassed.
The Islamic commentators generally agree this verse refers to sexual harassment of women of Medina. It is also seen to refer to a free woman, for which Tabari cites Ibn Abbas. Ibn Kathir states that the jilbab distinguishes free Muslim women from those of Jahiliyyah, so other men know they are free women and not slavegirls or whores, indicating covering oneself doesn't apply to non-Muslims. He cites Sufyan al-Thawri as commenting that while it may be seen as permitting to look upon non-Muslim women who adorn themselves, it is not allowed in order to avoid lust. Al-Qurtubi concurs with Tabari about this ayah being for those who are free. He reports that the correct view is that a jilbab covers the whole body. He also cites the Sahabah as saying it is no longer than a rida (a shawl or a wrapper that covers the upper body). He also reports a minority view which considers the niqab or head-covering as jilbab. Ibn Arabi considered that excessive covering would make it impossible for a woman to be recognised which the verse mentions, though both Qurtubi and Tabari agree that the word recognition is about distinguishing free women.
Some scholars like Ibn Hayyan, Ibn Hazm and Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani questioned the ayah's common explanation. Hayyan believed that "believing women" referred to both free women and slaves as the latter are bound to more easily entice lust and their exclusion is not clearly indicated. Hazm too believed that it covered Muslim slaves as it would violate the law of not molesting a slave or fornication with her like that with a free woman. He stated that anything not attributed to Muhammad should be disregarded.
The word ḥijāb in the Quran refers not to women's clothing, but rather a spatial partition or curtain. Sometimes its use is literal, as in the verse which refers to the screen that separated Muhammad's wives from the visitors to his house (33:53), while in other cases the word denotes separation between deity and mortals (42:51), wrongdoers and righteous (7:46, 41:5), believers and unbelievers (17:45), and light from darkness (38:32).
The interpretation of the ḥijāb as separation can be digested in three ways: as a visual barrier, physical barrier, and ethical barrier. The visual barrier has the opportunity to hide something from sight which places emphasis on a symbolic boundary (for example, between the Prophet's family and the surrounding community). The physical barrier is used to create a space that provides comfort and privacy for individuals such as the female elite. The ethical barrier, is known to make something forbidden such as the 'purity of hearts' in reference to the Prophet's wives and the Muslim men who visit them.
This article relies too much on references to primary sources. (August 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The hadith sources specify the details of hijab (Islamic rules of dress) for men and women, exegesis of the Qur'anic verses narrated by sahabah, and are a major source which scholars used to derive their rulings.
- Narrated Umm Salama Hind bint Abi Umayya, Ummul Mu'minin: "When the verse 'That they should cast their outer garments over their persons' was revealed, the women of Ansar came out as if they had crows hanging down over their heads by wearing outer garments." 32:4090. Abū Dawud classed this hadith as authentic.
- Narrated Safiya bint Shaiba: "Aisha used to say: 'When (the Verse): "They should draw their veils (khimaar) over their necks and bosoms (juyyub)," was revealed, (the ladies) cut their waist sheets at the edges and veiled themselves (Arabic: فَاخْتَمَرْنَ) with the cut pieces.'" Sahih al-Bukhari, 6:60:282, 32:4091. This hadith is often translated as "...and covered their heads and faces with the cut pieces of cloth," as the Arabic word used in the text (Arabic: فَاخْتَمَرْنَ) could include or exclude the face and there was ikhtilaf on whether covering the face is farḍ, or obligatory. The most prominent sharh, or explanation, of Sahih Bukhari is Fatḥ al-Bārī which states this included the face.
- Yahya related to me from Malik from Muhammad ibn Zayd ibn Qunfudh that his mother asked Umm Salama, the wife of the Prophet, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, "What clothes can a woman wear in prayer?" She said, "She can pray in the khimār (headscarf) and the diri' (Arabic: الدِّرْعِ, a woman's garment) that reaches down and covers the top of her feet." Muwatta Imam Malik book 8 hadith 37.
- Aishah narrated that Allah's Messenger said: "The Salat (prayer) of a woman who has reached the age of menstruation is not accepted without a khimār." Jami` at-Tirmidhi 377.
Dress code required by hijab
The four major Sunni schools of thought (Hanafi, Shafi'i, Maliki and Hanbali) hold by consensus that it is obligatory for the entire body of the woman (see awrah), except her hands and face (and feet according to Hanafis) to be covered during prayer and in the presence of people of the opposite sex other than close family members (whom one is forbidden to marry—see mahram). According to Hanafis and other scholars, these requirements extend to being around non-Muslim women as well, for fear that they may describe her physical features to unrelated men.
It is recommended that women wear clothing that is not form fitting to the body, such as modest forms of western clothing (long shirts and skirts), or the more traditional jilbāb, a high-necked, loose robe that covers the arms and legs. A khimār or shaylah, a scarf or cowl that covers all but the face, is also worn in many different styles.
Modern Muslim scholars believe that it is obligatory in Islamic law that men and women abide by the rules of hijab (as outlined in their respective school of thought). These include the Iraqi Shia Marja' (Grand Ayatollah) Ali al-Sistani; the Sunni Permanent Committee for Islamic Research and Issuing Fatwas in Saudi Arabia; and others. In nearly all Muslim cultures, young girls are not required to wear a ħijāb.
In private, and in the presence of close relatives (mahrams), rules on dress relax. However, in the presence of the husband, most scholars stress the importance of mutual freedom and pleasure of the husband and wife.
Covering the hands and face
Traditional scholars had differences of opinion on covering the hands and face. The majority adopted the opinion that the face and hands are not part of their nakedness. Some held the opinion that covering the face is recommended if the woman's beauty is so great that it is distracting and causes temptation or public discord.
Some Muslims take a relativist approach to hijab. They believe that the commandment to maintain modesty must be interpreted with regard to the surrounding society. What is considered modest or daring in one society might not be considered so in another. It is important, they say, for believers to wear clothing that communicates modesty and reserve.
Along with scriptural arguments, Leila Ahmed argues that head covering should not be compulsory in Islam because the veil predates the revelation of the Qur'an. Head-covering was introduced into Arabia long before Muhammad, primarily through Arab contacts with Syria and Iran, where the hijab was a sign of social status. After all, only a woman who need not work in the fields could afford to remain secluded and veiled.
Ahmed argues for a more liberal approach to hijab. Among her arguments is that while some Qur'anic verses enjoin women in general to "draw their Jilbabs (overgarment or cloak) around them to be recognized as believers and so that no harm will come to them"[Quran 33:58–59] and "guard their private parts ... and drape down khimar over their breasts [when in the presence of unrelated men]",[Quran 24:31] they urge modesty. The word khimar refers to a piece of cloth that covers the head, or headscarf. While the term "hijab" was originally anything that was used to conceal, it became used to refer to concealing garments worn by women outside the house, specifically the headscarf or khimar.
Other verses include.
O wives of prophet! You are not like other women; if you want to be righteous do not be too soft to make those in whose heart a disease hopeful; and speak in recognised manner. And stay in your homes and make not a dazzling display like that of the former times of ignorance and offer prayer and pay zakah; and obey God and His messenger; o people of (Prophet’s) house! God wants to remove impurity from you and make you clean and pure.
O believers! Do not enter in houses of prophet except if you are permitted for a meal and its readiness is not awaited but when you are invited then enter and when you have eaten disperse and do not linger in conversation; it troubles the prophet and he is shy of you but God is not shy of telling truth; and when ye ask of them [the wives of the Prophet] anything, ask it of them from behind a curtain (hijab) it is purer for you hearts and their hearts; and it is not allowed for you to hurt messenger or marry his wives after him ever; indeed it is great enormity in God’s sight.
According to at least three authors (Karen Armstrong, Reza Aslan and Leila Ahmed), the stipulations of the hijab were originally meant only for Muhammad's wives, and were intended to maintain their inviolability. This was because Muhammad conducted all religious and civic affairs in the mosque adjacent to his home:
People were constantly coming in and out of this compound at all hours of the day. When delegations from other tribes came to speak with Prophet Muhammad, they would set up their tents for days at a time inside the open courtyard, just a few feet away from the apartments in which Prophet Muhammad's wives slept. And new emigrants who arrived in Yatrib would often stay within the mosque's walls until they could find suitable homes.
According to Ahmed:
By instituting seclusion Prophet Muhammad was creating a distance between his wives and this thronging community on their doorstep.
They argue that the term darabat al-hijab ("taking the veil") was used synonymously and interchangeably with "becoming Prophet Muhammad's wife", and that during Muhammad's life, no other Muslim woman wore the hijab. Aslan suggests that Muslim women started to wear the hijab to emulate Muhammad's wives, who are revered as "Mothers of the Believers" in Islam, and states "there was no tradition of veiling until around 627 C.E." in the Muslim community.
Some scholars think that these contemporary views and arguments, however, contradict the hadith sources, the classical scholars, exegesis sources, historical consensus, and interpretations of the companions (such as Aisha and Abdullah ibn Masud).
Many traditionalist Muslims reject the contemporary views, however, some traditionalist Muslim scholars accept the contemporary views and arguments as those hadith sources are not sahih and ijma would no longer be applicable if it is argued by scholars (even if it is argued by only one scholar). Notable examples of traditionalist Muslim scholars who accept these contemporary views include the Indonesian scholar Buya Hamka.
The styles and practices of hijab vary widely across the world.
An opinion poll conducted in 2014 by The University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research asked residents of seven Muslim-majority countries (Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Tunisia, Turkey, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia) which style of women's dress they considered to be most appropriate in public. The survey found that the headscarf (in its tightly- or loosely-fitting form) was chosen by the majority of respondents in Egypt, Iraq, Tunisia and Turkey. In Saudi Arabia 63% gave preference to the niqab face veil; in Pakistan the niqab, the full-length chador robe and the headscarf, received about a third of the votes each; while in Lebanon half of the respondents in the sample (which included Christians and Druze) opted for no head covering at all. The survey found "no significant difference" in the preferences between surveyed men and women, except in Pakistan, where more men favored conservative women's dress. However, women more strongly support women's right to choose how to dress. People with university education are less conservative in their choice than those without one, and more supportive of women's right to decide their dress style, except in Saudi Arabia.
Some fashion-conscious women have been turning to non-traditional forms of hijab such as turbans. While some regard turbans as a proper head cover, others argue that it cannot be considered a proper Islamic veil if it leaves the neck exposed.
According to a Pew Research Center survey, among the roughly 1 million Muslim women living in the U.S., 43% regularly wear headscarves, while about a half do not cover their hair. In another Pew Research Center poll (2011), 36% of Muslim American women reported wearing hijab whenever they were in public, with an additional 24% saying they wear it most or some of the time, while 40% said they never wore the headcover.
In Iran, where wearing the hijab is legally required, many women push the boundaries of the state-mandated dress code, risking a fine or a spell in detention. The Iranian president Hassan Rouhani had vowed to rein in the morality police and their presence on the streets has decreased since he took office, but the powerful conservative forces in the country have resisted his efforts, and the dress codes are still being enforced, especially during the summer months.
In Turkey the hijab was formerly banned in private and state universities and schools. The ban applied not to the scarf wrapped around the neck, traditionally worn by Anatolian peasant women, but to the head covering pinned neatly at the sides, called türban in Turkey, which has been adopted by a growing number of educated urban women since the 1980s. As of the mid-2000s, over 60% of Turkish women covered their head outside home, though only 11% wore a türban. The ban was lifted from universities in 2008, from government buildings in 2013, and from schools in 2014.
Burqa and niqab
There are several types of veils which cover the face in part or in full.
The burqa (also spelled burka) is a garment that covers the entire body, including the face. It is commonly associated with the Afghan chadri, whose face-veiling portion is typically a piece of netting that obscures the eyes but allows the wearer to see out.
The niqab is a term which is often incorrectly used interchangeably with burqa. It properly refers to a garment that covers a woman's upper body and face, except for her eyes. It is particularly associated with the style traditionally worn in the Arabian Peninsula, where the veil is attached by one side and covers the face only below the eyes, thereby allowing the eyes to be seen.
Only a minority of Islamic scholars believe that covering the face is mandatory, and the use of niqab beyond its traditional geographic strongholds has been a subject of political controversy.
In a 2014 survey of men and women in seven Muslim-majority countries, the Afghan burqa was the preferred form of woman's dress for 11% of respondents in Saudi Arabia, 4% in Iraq, 3% in Pakistan, 2% in Lebanon, and 1% or less in Egypt, Tunisia, and Turkey. The niqab face veil was the preferred option for 63% of respondents in Saudi Arabia, 32% in Pakistan, 9% in Egypt, 8% in Iraq, and 2% or less in Lebanon, Tunisia, and Turkey.
Pre-Islamic veiling practices
Veiling did not originate with the advent of Islam. Statuettes depicting veiled priestesses precede all major Abrahamic religions (Christianity, Judaism, and Islam), dating back as far as 2500 BCE. Elite women in ancient Mesopotamia and in the Byzantine, Greek, and Persian empires wore the veil as a sign of respectability and high status. In ancient Mesopotamia, Assyria had explicit sumptuary laws detailing which women must veil and which women must not, depending upon the woman's class, rank, and occupation in society. Female slaves and prostitutes were forbidden to veil and faced harsh penalties if they did so. Veiling was thus not only a marker of aristocratic rank, but also served to "differentiate between 'respectable' women and those who were publicly available".
Strict seclusion and the veiling of matrons were also customary in ancient Greece. Between 550 and 323 B.C.E, prior to Christianity, respectable women in classical Greek society were expected to seclude themselves and wear clothing that concealed them from the eyes of strange men.
It is not clear whether the Hebrew Bible contains prescriptions with regard to veiling, but rabbinic literature presents it as a question of modesty (tzniut). Modesty became an important rabbinic virtue in the early Roman period, and it may have been intended to distinguish Jewish women from their non-Jewish counterparts in the Greco-Roman and later in the Babylonian society. According to rabbinical precepts, married Jewish women have to cover their hair, although the surviving representations of veiled Jewish women may reflect general Roman customs rather than particular Jewish practices. According to Fadwa El Guindi, at the inception of Christianity, Jewish women were veiling their heads and faces.
There is archeological evidence suggesting that early Christian women in Rome covered their heads. Writings of Tertullian indicate that a number of different customs of dress were associated with different cults to which early Christians belonged around 200 CE. The best known early Christian view on veiling is the passage in 1 Corinithians (11:4-7), which states that "every woman who prays or prophesies with her head uncovered dishonors her head". This view may have been influenced by Roman pagan customs, such as the head covering worn by the priestesses of Vesta (Vestal Virgins), rather than Jewish practices. In turn, the rigid norms pertaining to veiling and seclusion of women found in Christian Byzantine literature have been influenced by ancient Persian traditions, and there is evidence to suggest that they differed significantly from actual practice.
Intermixing of populations resulted in a convergence of the cultural practices of Greek, Persian, and Mesopotamian empires and the Semitic peoples of the Middle East. Veiling and seclusion of women appear to have established themselves among Jews and Christians before spreading to urban Arabs of the upper classes and eventually among the urban masses. In the rural areas it was common to cover the hair, but not the face.
Leila Ahmed argues that "Whatever the cultural source or sources, a fierce misogyny was a distinct ingredient of Mediterranean and eventually Christian thought in the centuries immediately preceding the rise of Islam." Ahmed interprets veiling and segregation of sexes as an expression of a misogynistic view of shamefulness of sex which focused most intensely on shamefulness of the female body and danger of seeing it exposed.
During Muhammad's lifetime
Available evidence suggests that veiling was not introduced into Arabia by Muhammad, but already existed there, particularly in the towns, although it was probably not as widespread as in the neighboring countries such as Syria and Palestine. Similarly to the practice among Greeks, Romans, Jews, and Assyrians, its use was associated with high social status. In the early Islamic texts, term hijab does not distinguish between veiling and seclusion, and can mean either "veil" or "curtain". The only verses in the Qur'an that specifically reference women's clothing are those promoting modesty, instructing women to guard their private parts and wear scarves that fall onto their breast area in the presence of men. The contemporary understanding of the hijab dates back to Hadith when the "verse of the hijab" descended upon the community in 627 CE. Now documented in Sura 33:53, the verse states, "And when you ask [his wives] for something, ask them from behind a partition. That is purer for your hearts and their hearts". This verse, however, was not addressed to women in general, but exclusively to Muhammad's wives. As Muhammad's influence increased, he entertained more and more visitors in the mosque, which was then his home. Often, these visitors stayed the night only feet away from his wives' apartments. It is commonly understood that this verse was intended to protect his wives from these strangers. During Muhammad's lifetime the term for donning the veil, darabat al-hijab, was used interchangeably with "being Muhammad's wife".
Later pre-modern history
The practice of veiling was borrowed from the elites of the Byzantine and Persian empires, where it was a symbol of respectability and high social status, during the Arab conquests of those empires. Reza Aslan argues that "The veil was neither compulsory nor widely adopted until generations after Muhammad's death, when a large body of male scriptural and legal scholars began using their religious and political authority to regain the dominance they had lost in society as a result of the Prophet's egalitarian reforms".
Because Islam identified with the monotheistic religions of the conquered empires, the practice was adopted as an appropriate expression of Qur'anic ideals regarding modesty and piety. Veiling gradually spread to upper-class Arab women, and eventually it became widespread among Muslim women in cities throughout the Middle East. Veiling of Arab Muslim women became especially pervasive under Ottoman rule as a mark of rank and exclusive lifestyle, and Istanbul of the 17th century witnessed differentiated dress styles that reflected geographical and occupational identities. Women in rural areas were much slower to adopt veiling because the garments interfered with their work in the fields. Since wearing a veil was impractical for working women, "a veiled woman silently announced that her husband was rich enough to keep her idle."
By the 19th century, upper-class urban Muslim and Christian women in Egypt wore a garment which included a head cover and a burqa (muslin cloth that covered the lower nose and the mouth). The name of this garment, harabah, derives from early Christian and Judaic religious vocabulary, which may indicate the origins of the garment itself. Up to the first half of the twentieth century, rural women in the Maghreb and Egypt put on a form of niqab when they visited urban areas, "as a sign of civilization".
Western clothing largely dominated in Muslim countries the 1960s and 1970s. For example, in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran, many liberal women wore short skirts, flower printed hippie dresses, flared trousers, and went out in public without the hijab. This changed following the Soviet–Afghan War, military dictatorship in Pakistan, and Iranian revolution of 1979, when traditional conservative attire including the abaya, jilbab and niqab made a comeback. There were demonstrations in Iran in March 1979, after the hijab law was brought in, decreeing that women in Iran would have to wear scarves to leave the house.
In 1953 Egyptian leader President Gamal Abdel Nasser was told by the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood that they wanted to enforce the wearing of the hijab, to which Nasser responded, "Sir, I know you have a daughter in college—and she doesn't wear a headscarf or anything! Why don't you make her wear the headscarf? So you can't make one girl, your own daughter, wear it, and yet you want me to go and make ten million women wear it?"
The late-twentieth century saw a resurgence of the hijab in Egypt after a long period of decline as a result of westernization. Already in the mid-1970s some college aged Muslim men and women began a movement meant to reunite and rededicate themselves to the Islamic faith. This movement was named the Sahwah, or awakening, and sparked a period of heightened religiosity that began to be reflected in the dress code. The uniform adopted by the young female pioneers of this movement was named al-Islāmī (Islamic dress) and was made up of an "al-jilbāb—an unfitted, long-sleeved, ankle-length gown in austere solid colors and thick opaque fabric—and al-khimār, a head cover resembling a nun's wimple that covers the hair low to the forehead, comes under the chin to conceal the neck, and falls down over the chest and back". In addition to the basic garments that were mostly universal within the movement, additional measures of modesty could be taken depending on how conservative the followers wished to be. Some women choose to also utilize a face covering (al-niqāb) that leaves only eye slits for sight, as well as both gloves and socks in order to reveal no visible skin.
Soon this movement expanded outside of the youth realm and became a more widespread Muslim practice. Women viewed this way of dress as a way to both publicly announce their religious beliefs as well as a way to simultaneously reject western influences of dress and culture that were prevalent at the time. Despite many criticisms of the practice of hijab being oppressive and detrimental to women's equality, many Muslim women view the way of dress to be a positive thing. It is seen as a way to avoid harassment and unwanted sexual advances in public and works to desexualize women in the public sphere in order to instead allow them to enjoy equal rights of complete legal, economic, and political status. This modesty was not only demonstrated by their chosen way of dress but also by their serious demeanor which worked to show their dedication to modesty and Islamic beliefs.
Controversy erupted over the practice. Many people, both men and women from backgrounds of both Islamic and non-Islamic faith questioned the hijab and what it stood for in terms of women and their rights. There was questioning of whether in practice the hijab was truly a female choice or if women were being coerced or pressured into wearing it. Many instances, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran's current policy of forced veiling for women, have brought these issues to the forefront and generated great debate from both scholars and everyday people.
As the awakening movement gained momentum, its goals matured and shifted from promoting modesty towards more of a political stance in terms of retaining support for Pan-Islamism and a symbolic rejection of Western culture and norms. Today the hijab means many different things for different people. For Islamic women who choose to wear the hijab it allows them to retain their modesty, morals and freedom of choice. They choose to cover because they believe it is liberating and allows them to avoid harassment. Many people (both Muslim and non-Muslim) are against the wearing of the hijab and argue that the hijab causes issues with gender relations, works to silence and repress women both physically and metaphorically, and have many other problems with the practice. This difference in opinions has generated a plethora of discussion on the subject, both emotional and academic, which continues today.
Ever since September 11, 2001, the discussion and discourse on the hijab has intensified. Many nations have attempted to put restrictions on the hijab, which has led to a new wave of rebellion by women who instead turn to covering and wearing the hijab in even greater numbers.
In modern times, Iranian women act to transform the hijab by challenging the regime subsequently reinventing culture and women's identity within Iran. The female Iranian fashion designer, Naghmeh Kiumarsi, challenges the regime's notion of culture through publicly designing, marketing, and selling clothing pieces that feature tight fitting jeans, and a “skimpy” headscarf. The biography on Kiumarsi's (2015) website offers, “She believes in the unique style of each person and is convinced that fashion has to help bring out those individual styles. She is optimistic about the creativity of the new generation in Iran and as an artist welcomes these changes.” Kiumarsi embodies her own notion of culture and identity and utilizes fashion to value the differences among Iranian women, as opposed to a single identity under the Islamic dress code. Kiumarsi welcomes the evolution of Iranian culture with the emergence of new style choices and fashion trends. Additionally, the designer's bibliography offers, “She is also a master in fusion designs and fusion fabric connecting the past and the present thus blending cultures to create designs that are modern, colorful yet compatible with social and cultural norms” (Kiumarsi, 2015). Kiumarsi's hijab styles reflect the premise that cultures are fluid and ever changing through combining elements of past, present, and modern cultures in her designs.
Women's resistance in Iran is gaining traction as an increasing number of women challenge the mandatory wearing of the hijab. Smith (2017) addressed the progress that Iranian women have made in her article, “Iran surprises by realizing Islamic dress code for women,” published by The Times, a reputable news organization based in the UK. The Iranian government has enforced their penal dress codes less strictly and instead of imprisonment as a punishment have implemented mandatory reform classes in the liberal capital, Tehran. General Hossein Rahimi, the Tehran's police chief stated, “Those who do not observe the Islamic dress code will no longer be taken to detention centers, nor will judicial cases be filed against them” (Smith, 2017). The remarks of Tehran's recent police chief in 2017 reflect political progress in contrast with the remarks of Tehran's 2006 police chief. Iranian women activists have made a headway since 1979 relying on fashion to enact cultural and political change.
Scientific studies on the hijab
Although the field is quite new, starting in 2010, several scientific studies on the hijab have been conducted. Among Canadian Muslim women, Muslim women who dressed more modestly were more secure about their body image, and less likely to be pressured by Western media beauty standards. Whereas Muslim women who did not wear hijabs and wore western clothing were more insecure about their body. Non-Western cultures in the Middle East and Asia, that were not compatible with Islamic values, such as not properly wearing a hijab as is Islamically prescribed, also resulted in similar insecurity as wearing Western clothing.
In another study comparing Muslim women with non-Muslim women in the United States. Muslim women who wear conservative Islamic clothing (i.e hijabs/abayas) had higher self-esteem, better body image, healthier body weight, felt less sexually objectified & more respected, compared to non-Muslim Western women who wore Western clothing. Women who wore more conservative Islamic clothing, felt less pressure to have an unhealthy thinner body, as well as in reality had a much healthier BMI, on the more thinner side. Muslim women who wore Western clothing felt similar "thin-ideal" pressure as non-Muslim women.
Wearing hijab and more conservative Islamic clothing resulted in lower rates of sexual objectification and sexual harassment. Wearing hijabs was negatively correlated with reports of sexual harassment. Men report being more uncomfortable approaching women who wore hijabs or niqabs. This concurred with the Islamic reasons and the reason many Muslim women also give for wearing hijab, aside from God commanding them.
Despite feminists attempting to speak for Muslim women to claim the hijab/Islam is "oppressive", this fails to take into account voice of real Muslim women. Similar findings from Quebec finds that much of this is baseless and often the result of hypersexualized Western culture trying to deny Muslim women who do not wish to be sexualized and objectified their voices. One Muslim women interviewed states that "I find that Québec women are like [sex] symbols. They’re used to sell stuff: toilet paper, cell phones, etc. In school, girls want to impress boys. To get men’s attention, they’re gonna dress sexy. There’s no end to it. It’s a form of submissiveness! In reality Muslim women contradict feminist myths about the hijab, and say Islam protects them.
In many of these studies it is hypothesized that the beneficial mental health effects of the hijab is due to religiosity rather than the article of clothing itself. One study finds that Islamic values such as wearing more modest clothing protects Muslim women's body image & mental health from unrealistic Western media beauty standards. More religiosity was correlated to lower body dissatisfaction/objectification, and less eating disorders. Another study finds the effects appear to be driven by the hijab specifically, rather than religiosity, which was a significant covariate. The use of the hijab, results in more positive body image, less fixation with appearance & less reliance on Western media beauty standards. In theory even forced hijabs have positive effects.
Compulsion and pressure
Some governments encourage and even oblige women to wear the hijab, while others have banned it in at least some public settings. In many parts of the world women also experience informal pressure for or against wearing hijab, including physical attacks.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia requires Muslim women to cover their hair and all women have to wear a full-body garment. Saudi women commonly wear the traditional abaya robe, while foreigners sometimes opt for a long coat. These regulations are enforced by the religious police and vigilantes. In 2002 the Saudi religious police were accused by Saudi and international press of hindering the rescue of schoolgirls from a fire because they were not wearing hijab, which resulted in 15 deaths. In 2018, the Saudi crown prince Mohammad bin Salman told CBS News that Saudi law requires women to wear "decent, respectful clothing", and that women are free to decide what form it should take.
Iran went from banning all types of veils in 1936 to making Islamic dress mandatory for women following the Islamic Revolution in 1979. In April 1980, it was decided that women in government offices and educational institutions would be mandated to veil. The 1983 penal code prescribed punishment of 74 lashes for women appearing in public without Islamic hijab (hijab shar'ee), leaving the definition of proper hijab ambiguous. The same period witnessed tensions around the definition of proper hijab, which sometimes resulted in vigilante harassment of women who were perceived to wear improper clothing. In 1984 Tehran's public prosecutor announced that a stricter dress-code should be observed in public establishments, while clothing in other places should correspond to standards observed by the majority of the people. A new regulation issued in 1988 by the Ministry of the Interior based on the 1983 law further specified what constituted violations of hijab. Iran's current penal code stipulates a fine or 10 days to two months in prison as punishment for failure to observe hijab in public, without specifying its form. The dress code has been subject of alternating periods of relatively strict and relaxed enforcement over the years, with many women pushing its boundaries, and its compulsory aspect has been a point of contention between conservatives and the current president Hassan Rouhani. The United Nations Human Rights Council recently called on Iran to guarantee the rights of those human rights defenders and lawyers supporting anti-hijab protests. In governmental and religious institutions, the dress code requires khimar-type headscarf and overcoat, while in other public places women commonly wear a loosely tied headscarf (rousari). The Iranian government endorses and officially promotes stricter types of veiling, praising it by invoking both Islamic religious principles and pre-Islamic Iranian culture.
The Indonesian province of Aceh requires Muslim women to wear hijab in public. Indonesia's central government granted Aceh's religious leaders the right to impose Sharia in 2001, in a deal aiming to put an end to the separatist movement in the province.
The tradition of veiling hair in Iranian culture has ancient pre-Islamic origins, but the widespread custom was forcibly ended by Reza Shah's regime in 1936, as he claimed hijab to be incompatible with his modernizing ambitions and ordered "unveiling" act or Kashf-e hijab. The police arrested women who wore the veil and would forcibly remove it, and these policies outraged the Shi'a clerics, and ordinary men and women, to whom appearing in public without their cover was tantamount to nakedness. Many women refused to leave the house out of fear of being assaulted by Reza Shah's police. In 1941 the compulsory element in the policy of unveiling was abandoned.
Turkey had a ban on headscarves at universities until recently. In 2008 the Turkish government attempted to lift a ban on Muslim headscarves at universities, but were overturned by the country's Constitutional Court. In December 2010, however, the Turkish government ended the headscarf ban in universities, government buildings and schools.
In Tunisia, women were banned from wearing hijab in state offices in 1981 and in the 1980s and 1990s more restrictions were put in place. In 2017, Tajikistan banned hijabs. Minister of Culture, Shamsiddin Orumbekzoda, told Radio Free Europe Islamic dress was "really dangerous". Under existing laws, women wearing hijabs are already banned from entering the country's government offices.
On March 15, 2004, France passed a law banning "symbols or clothes through which students conspicuously display their religious affiliation" in public primary schools, middle schools, and secondary schools. In the Belgian city of Maaseik, the niqāb has been banned since 2006. On July 13, 2010, France's lower house of parliament overwhelmingly approved a bill that would ban wearing the Islamic full veil in public. It became the first European country to ban the full-face veil in public places, followed by Belgium, Latvia, Bulgaria, Austria, Denmark and some cantons of Switzerland in the following years.
Belgium banned the full-face veil in 2011 in places like parks and on the streets. In September 2013, the electors of the Swiss canton of Ticino voted in favour of a ban on face veils in public areas. In 2016, Latvia and Bulgaria banned the burqa in public places. In October 2017, wearing a face veil became also illegal in Austria. This ban also includes scarves, masks and clown paint that cover faces to avoid discriminating against Muslim dress. In 2016, Bosnia-Herzegovina's supervising judicial authority upheld a ban on wearing Islamic headscarves in courts and legal institutions, despite protests from the Muslim community that constitutes 40% of the country. In 2017, the European Court of Justice ruled that companies were allowed to bar employees from wearing visible religious symbols, including the hijab. However, if the company has no policy regarding the wearing of clothes that demonstrate religious and political ideas, a customer cannot ask employees to remove the clothing item. In 2018, Danish parliament passed a law banning the full-face veil in public places.
In 2016, more than 20 French towns banned the use of the burqini, a style of swimwear intended to accord with rules of hijab. Dozens of women were subsequently issued fines, with some tickets citing not wearing "an outfit respecting good morals and secularism", and some were verbally attacked by bystanders when they were confronted by the police. Enforcement of the ban also hit beachgoers wearing a wide range of modest attire besides the burqini. Media reported that in one case the police forced a woman to remove part of her clothing on a beach in Nice. The Nice mayor's office denied that she was forced to do so and the mayor condemned what he called the "unacceptable provocation" of wearing such clothes in the aftermath of the Nice terrorist attack.
A team of psychologists in Belgium have investigated, in two studies of 166 and 147 participants, whether the Belgians' discomfort with the Islamic hijab, and the support of its ban from the country's public sphere, is motivated by the defense of the values of autonomy and universalism (which includes equality), or by xenophobia/ethnic prejudice and by anti-religious sentiments. The studies have revealed the effects of subtle prejudice/racism, values (self-enhancement values and security versus universalism), and religious attitudes (literal anti-religious thinking versus spirituality), in predicting greater levels of anti-veil attitudes beyond the effects of other related variables such as age and political conservatism.
In 2019, Austria banned the hijab in schools for children up to ten years of age. The ban was motivated by the equality between men and women and improving social integration with respect to local customs. Parents who send their child to school with a headscarf will be fined 440 euro.
Unofficial pressure to wear hijab
Muslim girls and women have fallen victim to honor killings in both the Western world and elsewhere for refusing to wearing the hijab or for wearing it in way considered to be improper by the perpetrators.
Successful informal coercion of women by sectors of society to wear hijab has been reported in Gaza where Mujama' al-Islami, the predecessor of Hamas, reportedly used "a mixture of consent and coercion" to "'restore' hijab" on urban educated women in Gaza in the late 1970s and 1980s.
Similar behaviour was displayed by Hamas itself during the First Intifada in Palestine. Though a relatively small movement at this time, Hamas exploited the political vacuum left by perceived failures in strategy by the Palestinian factions to call for a "return" to Islam as a path to success, a campaign that focused on the role of women. Hamas campaigned for the wearing of the hijab alongside other measures, including insisting women stay at home, segregation from men and the promotion of polygamy. In the course of this campaign women who chose not to wear the hijab were verbally and physically harassed, with the result that the hijab was being worn "just to avoid problems on the streets".
Wearing of the hijab was enforced by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The Taliban required women to cover not only their head but their face as well, because "the face of a woman is a source of corruption" for men not related to them.
In Srinagar, the capital of Indian-administered Kashmir, a previously unknown militant group calling itself Lashkar-e-Jabbar claimed responsibility for a series of acid attacks on women who did not wear the burqa in 2001, threatening to punish women who do not adhere to their vision of Islamic dress. Women of Kashmir, most of whom are not fully veiled, defied the warning, and the attacks were condemned by prominent militant and separatist groups of the region.
In April 2019 in Norway, telecom company Telia received bomb threats after featuring a Muslim woman taking off her hijab in a commercial. Although the police did not evaluate the threat likely to be carried out, delivering threats is still a crime in Norway.
Unofficial pressure against wearing hijab
In recent years, women wearing hijab have been subject of verbal and physical attacks in Western countries, particularly following terrorist attacks. Louis A. Cainkar writes that the data suggest that women in hijab rather than men are the predominant target of anti-Muslim attacks not because they are more easily identifiable as Muslims, but because they are seen to represent a threat to the local moral order that the attackers are seeking to defend. Some women stop wearing hijab out of fear or following perceived pressure from their acquaintances, but many refuse to stop wearing it out of religious conviction even when they are urged to do so for self-protection.
In 2015 authorities in Uzbekistan organized a "deveiling" campaign in the capital city Tashkent, during which women wearing hijab were detained and taken to a police station. Those who agreed to remove their hijab were released "after a conversation", while those who refused were transferred to the counterterrorism department and given a lecture. Their husbands or fathers were then summoned to convince the women to obey the police. This followed an earlier campaign in the Fergana Valley.
Hijab discrimination in the workplace
The issue of discrimination of Muslims is more prevalent among Muslim women due to the hijab being an observable declaration of faith. Particularly after the events of 9/11 and the coining of the term Islamophobia, some of Islamophobia's manifestations are seen within the workplace. Women wearing the hijab are at risk of discrimination in their workplace because the hijab helps identify them for anyone who may hold Islamophobic attitudes. Their association with the Islamic faith automatically projects any negative stereotyping of the religion onto them. As a result of the heightened discrimination, some Muslim women in the workplace resort to taking off their hijab in hopes to prevent any further prejudice acts.
A number of Muslim women who were interviewed expressed that perceived discrimination also poses a problem for them. To be specific, Muslim women shared that they chose not to wear the headscarf out of fear of future discrimination.
The discrimination Muslim women face goes beyond affecting their work experience, it also interferes with their decision to uphold religious obligations. In result of discrimination Muslim women in the United States have worries regarding their ability to follow their religion because it might mean they are rejected employment. Ali, Yamada, and Mahmoud (2015) state that women of color who also follow the religion of Islam are considered to be in what is called “triple jeopardy”, due to being a part of two minority groups subject to discrimination.
Ali et al. (2015) study found a relationship between the discrimination Muslims face at work and their job satisfaction. In other words, the discrimination Muslim women face at work is associated with their overall feeling of contentment of their jobs, especially compared to other religious groups.
Muslim women not only experience discrimination whilst in their job environment, they also experience discrimination in their attempts to get a job. An experimental study conducted on potential hiring discrimination among Muslims found that in terms of overt discrimination there were no differences between Muslim women who wore traditional Islamic clothing and those who did not. However, covert discrimination was noted towards Muslim who wore the hijab, and as a result were dealt with in a hostile and rude manner. While observing hiring practices among 4,000 employers in the U.S, experimenters found that employers who self-identified as Republican tended to avoid making interviews with candidates who appeared Muslim on their social network pages.
One instance that some view as hijab discrimination in the workplace that gained public attention and made it to the Supreme Court was EEOC v. Abercrombie & Fitch. The U.S Equal Employment Opportunity Commission took advantage of its power granted by Title VII and made a case for a young hijabi female who applied for a job, but was rejected due to her wearing a headscarf which violated Abercrombie & Fitch's pre-existing and longstanding policy against head coverings and all black garments.
Discrimination levels differ depending on geographical location; for example, South Asian Muslims in the United Arab Emirates do not perceive as much discrimination as their South Asian counterparts in the U.S. Although, South Asian Muslim women in both locations are similar in describing discrimination experiences as subtle and indirect interactions. The same study also reports differences among South Asian Muslim women who wear the hijab, and those who do not. For non-hijabis, they reported to have experienced more perceived discrimination when they were around other Muslims.
Perceived discrimination is detrimental to well-being, both mentally and physically. However, perceived discrimination may also be related to more positive well-being for the individual. A study in New Zealand concluded that while Muslim women who wore the headscarf did in fact experience discrimination, these negative experiences were overcome by much higher feelings of religious pride, belonging, and centrality.
- Covering variants
- "Definition of hijab in Oxford Dictionaries (British & World English)". Oxforddictionaries.com. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- "Hijab – Definition and More from the Free Merriam-Webster Dictionary". Merriam-webster.com. 2012-08-31. Archived from the original on 2017-08-11. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- "Hijab noun – definition in British English Dictionary & Thesaurus – Cambridge Dictionary Online". Dictionary.cambridge.org. 2013-04-16. Archived from the original on 2013-06-24. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- "Definition of hijab". Collins English Dictionary. Archived from the original on 2013-09-27. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- Glasse, Cyril, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Altamira Press, 2001, p.179-180
- Lane's Lexicon page 519 and 812
- El Guindi, Fadwa; Sherifa Zahur (2009). Hijab. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195305135.001.0001. ISBN 9780195305135.
- Contemporary Fatwas by Sheik Yusuf Al Qaradawi, vol. 1, pp. 453-455
- Ruh Al Ma’ani by Shihaab Adeen Abi Athanaa’, vol. 18, pp. 309, 313
- Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World (2003), p. 721, New York: Macmillan Reference USA
- Martin et al. (2003), Encyclopedia of Islam & the Muslim World, Macmillan Reference, ISBN 978-0028656038
- Fisher, Mary Pat. Living Religions. New Jersey: Pearson Education, 2008.
- "Irfi.org". Archived from the original on 2015-12-21. Retrieved 2015-12-26.
- "Moroccoworldnews.com". Archived from the original on 2015-12-27. Retrieved 2015-12-26.
- Aslan, Reza, No God but God, Random House, (2005), p.65–6
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. ISBN 9780300055832. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- "Coverings for women 'not mandatory', says Saudi crown prince ahead of US charm offensive". The New Arab (Al-Araby Al-Jadeed). Mar 20, 2018. Archived from the original on January 2, 2019. Retrieved January 1, 2019.
Islamic clothing in Saudi Arabia is compulsory, but the crown prince has claimed this does not have to the case so long as women maintain a modest appearance in public. Saudi Arabia requires women to wear the black robe and hijab by law.
- "Saudi Arabia's dress code for women". The Economist. Jan 28, 2015. Archived from the original on May 11, 2018. Retrieved July 13, 2017.
- Bucar, Elizabeth, The Islamic Veil. Oxford, England: Oneworld Publications, 2012.
- Evidence in the Qur'an for Covering Women's Hair, IslamOnline.
- Hameed, Shahul. "Is Hijab a Qur’anic Commandment?," IslamOnline.net. October 9, 2003.
- Islam and the Veil: Theoretical and Regional Contexts, page 111-113]
- Islam and the Veil: Theoretical and Regional Contexts, page 114]
- "Hijab: Fard (Obligation) or Fiction?". virtualmosque.com. 2012-10-15. Archived from the original on 2018-11-09. Retrieved 2018-11-08.
- "How Should We Understand the Obligation of Khimar (Head Covering)?". seekershub.org. 2017-09-25. Archived from the original on 2018-11-08. Retrieved 2018-11-08.
- Kamali, Mohammad (2005). Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence (3 ed.). Islamic Texts Society. p. 63. ISBN 0946621810. Retrieved 2018-11-08.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2017-11-03. Retrieved 2018-11-08.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-24. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-26. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- Hsu, Shiu-Sian. "Modesty." Encyclopaedia of the Qur'an. Ed. Jane McAuliffe. Vol. 3. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003. 403-405. 6 vols.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-03-27. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-19. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-14. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-03-28. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-19. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- al-Sistani, Ali. "Question & Answer » Hijab (Islamic Dress)". The Official Website of the Office of His Eminence Al-Sayyid Ali Al-Husseini Al-Sistani. Archived from the original on 27 January 2016. Retrieved 9 January 2016.
- "Fatwas of the Permanent Committee: Women covering their faces and hands". General Presidency of Scholarly Research and Ifta'. Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Archived from the original on 7 November 2018. Retrieved 9 January 2016.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-28. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- Heba G. Kotb M.D., Sexuality in Islam, PhD Thesis, Maimonides University, 2004
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-02-19. Retrieved 2019-02-18.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- Syed, Ibrahim B. (2001). "Women in Islam: Hijab".
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300055832.
- V.A. Mohamad Ashrof (2005). Islam and gender justice. Gyan Books, 2005. p. 130. ISBN 9788178354569. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
- Asma Afsaruddin; A. H. Mathias Zahniser (1997). Humanism, culture, and language in the Near East. Eisenbrauns, 1997. p. 87. ISBN 9781575060200. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
- Asma Afsaruddin; A. H. Mathias Zahniser (1997). Humanism, culture, and language in the Near East. Eisenbrauns, 1997. p. 95. ISBN 9781575060200. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
- "Quran Surah Al-Ahzaab ( Verse 53 )". Archived from the original on 2018-01-27. Retrieved 2018-01-27.
- "Is it ok to take off the kimar and niqab in front of a blind man?". Islamqa.info. Archived from the original on 2014-09-05. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- Women revealing their adornment to men who lack physical desire Archived 2016-12-27 at the Wayback Machine retrieved 25 June 2012
- Queer Spiritual Spaces: Sexuality and Sacred Places – Page 89, Kath Browne, Sally Munt, Andrew K. T. Yip - 2010
- "Female Muslim Dress Survey Reveals Wide Range Of Preferences On Hijab, Burqa, Niqab, And More". Huffington Post. Jan 23, 2014. Archived from the original on September 18, 2016. Retrieved August 23, 2016.
- RICH MORIN (Jan 14, 2014). "Q&A with author of U. Mich. study on preferred dress for women in Muslim countries". Pew Research Center. Archived from the original on August 26, 2016. Retrieved August 25, 2016.
- Shounaz Meky (Oct 9, 2014). "Under wraps: Style savvy Muslim women turn to turbans". Al Arabiya. Archived from the original on August 21, 2016. Retrieved August 26, 2016.
- Yasmin Nouh (May 11, 2016). "The Beautiful Reasons Why These Women Love Wearing A Hijab". The Huffington Post. Archived from the original on September 10, 2016. Retrieved August 26, 2016.
- "Lifting The Veil: Muslim Women Explain Their Choice". NPR. April 21, 2011. Archived from the original on March 3, 2018. Retrieved April 5, 2018.
- "Muslim Americans: No Signs of Growth in Alienation or Support for Extremism; Section 2: Religious Beliefs and Practices". Pew Research Center. Aug 30, 2011. Archived from the original on August 20, 2016. Retrieved August 25, 2016.
- "Playing cat and mouse with Iran′s morality police". Qantara.de. Archived from the original on August 16, 2016. Retrieved Aug 23, 2016.
- Yara Elmjouie (June 19, 2014). "Iran's morality police: patrolling the streets by stealth". Tehran Bureau/The Guardian. Archived from the original on July 29, 2016. Retrieved August 23, 2016.
- Rainsford, Sarah (November 7, 2006). "Headscarf issue challenges Turkey". BBC News. Archived from the original on April 20, 2010. Retrieved June 24, 2010.
- Rainsford, Sarah (2007-10-02). "Women condemn Turkey constitution". BBC News. Archived from the original on 2008-08-13. Retrieved 2008-08-04.
- Jonathan Head (December 31, 2010). "Quiet end to Turkey's college headscarf ban". BBC News. Archived from the original on June 13, 2018. Retrieved July 21, 2018.
- Clark-Flory, Tracy (2007-04-23). "Head scarves to topple secular Turkey?". Salon. Archived from the original on 2008-05-13. Retrieved 2008-08-04.
- Ayman, Zehra; Knickmeyer, Ellen. Ban on Head Scarves Voted Out in Turkey: Parliament Lifts 80-Year-Old Restriction on University Attire Archived 2017-10-19 at the Wayback Machine. The Washington Post. 2008-02-10. Page A17.
- "Turkey Lifts Longtime Ban on Head Scarves in State Offices". NY Times. 8 October 2013. Archived from the original on 5 December 2013. Retrieved 1 February 2014.
- "Turkey-lifts-ban-on-headscarves-at-high-schools". news24.com/. 2014-09-23. Archived from the original on 24 October 2014. Retrieved 3 November 2014.
- "From hijab to burqa - a guide to Muslim headwear". Channel 4 News. Oct 24, 2013. Archived from the original on September 5, 2016. Retrieved September 2, 2016.
- "Niqab". BBC. Archived from the original on December 12, 2016. Retrieved Aug 23, 2016.
- "The Islamic veil across Europe". BBC News. July 1, 2014. Archived from the original on February 9, 2018. Retrieved July 21, 2018.
- Kahf, Mohja (2008). From Royal Body the Robe was Removed: The Blessings of the Veil and the Trauma of Forced Unveiling in the Middle East. University of California Press. p. 27.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 15.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 27–28.
- Richard Freund. "The Veiling of Women in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. A Guide to the Exhibition" (PDF). University of Hartford. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 4, 2016. Retrieved Aug 22, 2016.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 26–28.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 35.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 55–56.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 53–54.
- >Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 55.
- Aslan, Reza (2005). No God but God. Random House. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-4000-6213-3.
- "Surat Al-'Ahzab". Archived from the original on February 7, 2013. Retrieved December 1, 2012.
- Aslan, Reza (2005). No God but God. Random House. p. 66. ISBN 978-1-4000-6213-3.
- John L. Esposito, ed. (2014). "Hijab". The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195125580.001.0001. ISBN 9780195125580.
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 36.
- Esposito, John (1991). Islam: The Straight Path (3 ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 99.
- Bloom (2002), p.47
- Sara Silverstri (2016). "Comparing Burqa Debates in Europe". In Silvio Ferrari; Sabrina Pastorelli (eds.). Religion in Public Spaces: A European Perspective. Routledge. p. 276. ISBN 9781317067542.
- Leila Ahmed (2014). A Quiet Revolution: The Veil's Resurgence, from the Middle East to America. Yale University Press.
- "Retro Middle East: The rise and fall of the miniskirt". albawaba.com. August 18, 2013. Archived from the original on 24 October 2016. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
- "Bhutto's Pakistan". Archived from the original on 2016-10-19. Retrieved 2016-10-23.
- "Pakistan's swinging 70s". Archived from the original on 2016-10-09. Retrieved 2016-10-23.
- Robinson, Jeremy Bender, Melia. "25 photos show what Iran looked like before the 1979 revolution turned the nation into an Islamic republic". Business Insider.
- "theguardian.com, 3 September 2015, accessed 23 October 2016". Archived from the original on 7 January 2019. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
- El Guindi, Fadwa; Zuhur, Sherifa. "Ḥijāb". The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. Archived from the original on 24 October 2014. Retrieved 11 October 2012.
- Bullock, Katherine (2000). "Challenging Medial Representations of the Veil". The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences. 17 (3): 22–53.
- Elsaie, Adel. "Dr". United States of Islam. Archived from the original on 2012-12-24.
- Patrick Johnston (Aug 19, 2016). "Kimia Alizadeh Zenoorin Becomes The First Iranian Woman To Win An Olympic Medal". Reuters/Huffington Post. Archived from the original on August 22, 2016. Retrieved August 22, 2016.
- Winter, Bronwyn (2006). "The Great Hijab Coverup". Off Our Backs; A Women's Newsjournal. 36 (3): 38–40. JSTOR 20838653.
- "Naghmeh Kiumarsi Official Website | News". naghmehkiumarsi.org. Archived from the original on 2019-05-01. Retrieved 2019-05-01.
- Istanbul, Hannah Lucinda Smith (2017-12-29). "Iran surprises by relaxing Islamic dress code for women". The Times. ISSN 0140-0460. Archived from the original on 2019-05-01. Retrieved 2019-05-01.
- "Fashion police get tough in Tehran". www.aljazeera.com. Archived from the original on 2019-05-01. Retrieved 2019-05-01.
- Chaker, Zina; Chang, Felicia M.; Hakim-Larson, Julie (2015-06-01). "Body satisfaction, thin-ideal internalization, and perceived pressure to be thin among Canadian women: The role of acculturation and religiosity". Body Image. 14: 85–93. doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.003. ISSN 1740-1445.
- Dunkel, Trisha M.; Davidson, Denise; Qurashi, Shaji (2010-01-01). "Body satisfaction and pressure to be thin in younger and older Muslim and non-Muslim women: The role of Western and non-Western dress preferences". Body Image. 7 (1): 56–65. doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2009.10.003. ISSN 1740-1445.
- Tolaymat, Lana D.; Moradi, Bonnie (2011). "U.S. Muslim women and body image: Links among objectification theory constructs and the hijab". Journal of Counseling Psychology. 58 (3): 383–392. doi:10.1037/a0023461. ISSN 1939-2168.
- Swami, V. (2013), Marich, J. (ed.), "The influence of the hijab (Islamic head-cover) on interpersonal judgments of women: a replication and extension", The psychology of women: diverse perspectives from the modern world, Nova Science Publishers, pp. 128–140, ISBN 978-1-62257-899-3, retrieved 2020-02-15
- Droogsma, Rachel Anderson (2007-08-01). "Redefining Hijab: American Muslim Women's Standpoints on Veiling". Journal of Applied Communication Research. 35 (3): 294–319. doi:10.1080/00909880701434299. ISSN 0090-9882.
- Eid, Paul (2015-09-02). "Balancing agency, gender and race: how do Muslim female teenagers in Quebec negotiate the social meanings embedded in the hijab?". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 38 (11): 1902–1917. doi:10.1080/01419870.2015.1005645. ISSN 0141-9870.
- Mussap, Alexander J. (2009-03-01). "Strength of faith and body image in Muslim and non-Muslim women". Mental Health, Religion & Culture. 12 (2): 121–127. doi:10.1080/13674670802358190. ISSN 1367-4676.
- Swami, Viren; Miah, Jusnara; Noorani, Nazerine; Taylor, Donna (2014). "Is the hijab protective? An investigation of body image and related constructs among British Muslim women". British Journal of Psychology. 105 (3): 352–363. doi:10.1111/bjop.12045. ISSN 2044-8295.
- "Saudi police 'stopped' fire rescue". BBC. March 15, 2002. Archived from the original on January 9, 2018. Retrieved August 14, 2016.
- Ramezani, Reza (spring 2007). Hijab dar Iran az Enqelab-e Eslami ta payan Jang-e Tahmili Archived 2019-03-02 at the Wayback Machine [Hijab in Iran from the Islamic Revolution to the end of the Imposed war] (Persian), Faslnamah-e Takhassusi-ye Banuvan-e Shi’ah [Quarterly Journal of Shiite Women] 11, Qom: Muassasah-e Shi’ah Shinasi, pp. 251-300, ISSN 1735-4730
- Elizabeth M. Bucar (2011). Creative Conformity: The Feminist Politics of U.S. Catholic and Iranian Shi'i Women. Georgetown University Press. p. 118. ISBN 9781589017528.
- "قانون مجازات اسلامی (Islamic Penal Code), see ماده 102 (article 102)". Islamic Parliament Research Center. Archived from the original on October 12, 2016. Retrieved Oct 12, 2016.
- Elizabeth M. Bucar (2011). Creative Conformity: The Feminist Politics of U.S. Catholic and Iranian Shi'i Women. Georgetown University Press. p. 118. ISBN 9781589017528.
exposure of head, hair, arms or legs, use of makeup, sheer or tight clothing, and clothes with foreign words or pictures
- Sanja Kelly; Julia Breslin (2010). Women's Rights in the Middle East and North Africa: Progress Amid Resistance. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 126. ISBN 9781442203976.
- Behnoosh Payvar (2016). Space, Culture, and the Youth in Iran: Observing Norm Creation Processes at the Artists' House. Springer. p. 73. ISBN 9781137525703.
- BBC Monitoring (Apr 22, 2016). "Who are Islamic 'morality police'?". BBC. Archived from the original on April 13, 2019. Retrieved July 21, 2018.
- "Iranians worry as morality police go undercover". AP/CBS News. Apr 27, 2016. Archived from the original on June 12, 2018. Retrieved October 13, 2016.
- "Iran must protect women's rights advocates". UN OHCHR. May 6, 2019.
- Strategies for promotion of chastity (Persian), the official website of Iranian Majlis (04/05/1384 AP, available online Archived 2017-10-19 at the Wayback Machine)
- Jewel Topsfield (April 7, 2016). "Ban on outdoor music concerts in West Aceh due to Sharia law". The Sydney Morning Herald. Archived from the original on August 26, 2016. Retrieved August 23, 2016.
- CLOTHING ii. In the Median and Achaemenid periods at Encyclopædia Iranica
- El-Guindi, Fadwa, Veil: Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance, Berg, 1999
- "Turkey's AKP discusses hijab ruling". Al Jazeera. 6 June 2008. Archived from the original on 1 August 2018. Retrieved 6 January 2015.
- "Quiet end to Turkey's college headscarf ban". BBC News. 31 December 2010. Archived from the original on 28 June 2018. Retrieved 21 July 2018.
- "Tunisia's Hijab Ban Unconstitutional". 11 October 2007. Archived from the original on 20 July 2013. Retrieved 2013-04-20.
- "Country passes law 'to stop Muslim women wearing hijabs'". September 2017. Archived from the original on 2017-09-06. Retrieved 2018-08-28.
- "Majority-Muslim Tajikistan passes law to discourage wearing of hijabs". Archived from the original on 2018-08-29. Retrieved 2018-08-28.
- Mardell, Mark. "Dutch MPs to decide on burqa ban" Archived 2018-06-12 at the Wayback Machine, BBC News, January 16, 2006. Accessed June 6, 2008.
- Köksal Baltaci (Sep 27, 2017). "Austria becomes latest European country to ban burqas — but adds clown face paint, too". USA Today. Archived from the original on February 24, 2019. Retrieved September 29, 2017.
- "The Islamic veil across Europe". BBC News. 2017. Archived from the original on 2018-02-09. Retrieved 2018-02-05.
- "A European government has banned Islamic face veils despite them being worn by just three women". The Independent. 2016-04-21. Archived from the original on 2017-01-21. Retrieved 2018-02-05.
- "Another European country just banned the burqa". The Independent. 2016-10-01. Archived from the original on 2018-02-25. Retrieved 2018-02-05.
- "Bosnian women protest at headscarf ban". BBC News. 2016-02-07. Archived from the original on 2018-03-16. Retrieved 2018-02-05.
- "Bosnia Judicial Authorities Uphold Hijab Ban, Despite Protests". RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty. Archived from the original on 2018-02-05. Retrieved 2018-02-05.
- Rankin, Jennifer; Oltermann, Philip (2017-03-14). "Europe's right hails EU court's workplace headscarf ban ruling". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 2018-02-06. Retrieved 2018-02-05.
- Staff and agencies (2018-05-31). "Denmark passes law banning burqa and niqab". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 2018-08-15. Retrieved 2018-08-15.
- ALISSA J. RUBIN (Aug 24, 2016). "French 'Burkini' Bans Provoke Backlash as Armed Police Confront Beachgoers". New York Times. Archived from the original on March 1, 2019. Retrieved February 27, 2017.
- "Cannes bans burkinis over suspected link to radical Islamism". BBC News. 12 August 2016. Archived from the original on 12 August 2016. Retrieved 12 August 2016.
- "Nice joins growing list of French towns to ban burqini". The Local.fr. 19 August 2016. Archived from the original on 22 August 2016. Retrieved 22 August 2016.
- Harry Cockburn (Aug 24, 2016). "Burkini ban: Armed police force woman to remove her clothing on Nice beach". The Independent. Archived from the original on February 8, 2019. Retrieved December 28, 2017.
- Ben Quinn (Aug 23, 2016). "French police make woman remove clothing on Nice beach following burkini ban". The Guardian. Archived from the original on February 18, 2019. Retrieved August 24, 2016.
- Angelique Chrisafis (Aug 24, 2016). "French burkini ban row escalates after clothing incident at Nice beach". The Guardian. Archived from the original on November 27, 2018. Retrieved August 24, 2016.
- Saroglou, Vassilis; Lamkaddem, Bahija; Van Pachterbeke, Matthieu; Buxant, Coralie (2009). "Host society's dislike of the Islamic veil: The role of subtle prejudice, values, and religion". International Journal of Intercultural Relations. 33 (5): 419–428. doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2009.02.005.
- Lëtzebuerg, Tageblatt (2019-05-16). "Österreich verbietet Kopftücher an Grundschulen". Tageblatt.lu (in German). Archived from the original on 2019-05-18. Retrieved 2019-05-18.
- TT (2019-05-29). "Staffanstorp röstade för huvudduksförbud". Svenska Dagbladet (in Swedish). ISSN 1101-2412. Archived from the original on 2019-05-31. Retrieved 2019-05-31.
- Chesler, Phyllis (2010-03-01). "Worldwide Trends in Honor Killings". Middle East Quarterly. Archived from the original on 2019-01-16. Retrieved 2019-01-05.
- Hammami, Rema (1990). "Women, the Hijab and the Intifada". Middle East Report (164/165): 24–78. doi:10.2307/3012687. JSTOR 3012687.
- Rubenberg, C., Palestinian Women: Patriarchy and Resistance in the West Bank (USA, 2001) p.230
- Rubenberg, C., Palestinian Women: Patriarchy and Resistance in the West Bank (USA, 2001) p.231
- M. J. Gohari (2000). The Taliban: Ascent to Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 108-110.
- Popham, Peter (in Delhi) (30 August 2001). "Kashmir women face threat of acid attacks from militants". The Independent. Archived from the original on 28 August 2016. Retrieved 20 April 2013.
- "Kashmir women face acid attacks". BBC News. 10 August 2001. Archived from the original on 31 January 2013. Retrieved 20 April 2013.
- "Gaza women warned of immodesty". December 2, 2006. Archived from the original on June 24, 2011.
- In 2006, a group in Gaza calling itself "Just Swords of Islam" is reported to have claimed it threw acid at the face of a young woman who was dressed "immodestly", and warned other women in Gaza that they must wear hijab.
- "Syrian Women Face Whipping and Execution for Breaking Sharia Dress Code". Archived from the original on 2018-12-08. Retrieved 2014-07-19.
- Ripegutu, Halvor. "Telia har mottatt trussel som følge av hijab-reklame". Nettavisen (in Norwegian). Archived from the original on 2019-04-03. Retrieved 2019-04-03.
- Basia Spalek (2013). Basia Spalek (ed.). Muslim women's safety talk and their experience of victimisation. Islam, Crime and Criminal Justice. Routledge. pp. 63–64. ISBN 9781134032839.
- Louis A. Cainkar (2009). Homeland Insecurity: The Arab American and Muslim American Experience After 9/11. Russell Sage Foundation. pp. 244–245. ISBN 9781610447683.
- Kirk Semple (Nov 25, 2015). "'I'm Frightened': After Attacks in Paris, New York Muslims Cope With a Backlash". New York Times. Archived from the original on December 5, 2018. Retrieved February 27, 2017.
- Michelle Mark (Dec 23, 2015). "Muslim Hate Crimes Soar In UK: After Paris Attacks, Women Wearing Hijab Targeted By Young White Men". International Business Times. Archived from the original on June 12, 2018. Retrieved August 23, 2016.
- Farangis Najibullah (March 20, 2011). "Hijab Now A Hot Topic In Kazakhstan". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Archived from the original on September 20, 2016. Retrieved August 22, 2016.
- Bruce Pannier, Farruh Yusupov (June 14, 2015). "'Deveiling' Drive Moves To Uzbekistan's Capital". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Archived from the original on September 20, 2016. Retrieved August 22, 2016.
- BBC Trending (13 August 2016). "Kyrgyzstan president: 'Women in mini skirts don't become suicide bombers'". BBC. Archived from the original on 25 October 2017. Retrieved 21 July 2018.
- Tahmincioglu, E. (2010, September 13). Muslims face growing bias in workplace Archived 2019-07-25 at the Wayback Machine. NBC News. Retrieved from http://www.nbcnews.com
- Ali, Saba Rasheed; Liu, William Ming; Humedian, Majeda (2004). "Islam 101: Understanding the Religion and Therapy Implications". Professional Psychology: Research and Practice. 35 (6): 635–642. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.569.7436. doi:10.1037/0735-7028.35.6.635.
- Council on American-Islamic Relations. (2008). The status of Muslim civil rights in the United States Archived 2010-12-11 at the Wayback Machine. [DX Reader version]. Retrieved from http://cairunmasked.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/2008-Civil-Rights-Report.pdf
- Ghumman, S., & Jackson, L. (2010). The downside of religious attire: the Muslim headscarf and expectations of obtaining employment. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 31(1), 4-23
- Cole, Darnell; Ahmadi, Shafiqa (2003). "Perspectives and Experiences of Muslim Women Who Veil on College Campuses". Journal of College Student Development. 44: 47–66. doi:10.1353/csd.2003.0002.
- Reeves, T., Mckinney, A., & Azam, L. (2012). Muslim women's workplace experiences: Implications for strategic diversity initiatives. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, 32(1), 49-67.
- Hamdani, D. (2005, March). Triple jeopardy: Muslim women’s experience of discrimination. Canadian Council of Muslim Women Archived 2018-08-16 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved from http://archive.ccmw.com/publications/triple_jeopardy.pdf (do we italicize the council?)
- Ali, S., Yamada, T., & Mahmood, A. (2015). Relationships of the practice of Hijab, workplace discrimination, social class, job stress, and job satisfaction among Muslim American women. Journal of Employment Counseling, 52(4), 146-157
- Younis, M. (2009, March 2). Muslim Americans exemplify diversity Archived 2011-12-21 at the Wayback Machine, potential. Gallup. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/116260/muslim-americans-exemplify-diversity-potential.aspx
- Ahmad, A. S., King, E. B.(2010). An experimental field study of interpersonal discrimination toward Muslim job applicants. Personnel Psychology, 63(4), 881–906
- Acquisti, A., & Fong, C. M. (2013). An experiment in hiring discrimination via online social networks Archived 2018-08-02 at the Wayback Machine. Social Science Research Network. Retrieved from http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2031979
- Harrison, A. K. (2016). Hiding under the veil of “dress policy”: Muslim women, hijab, and employment discrimination in the United States. Georgetown Journal of Gender and the Law, 17(3), 831
- Pasha-Zaidi, N. (2015). Judging by appearances: Perceived discrimination among South Asian Muslim women in the US and the UAE. Journal of International Women's Studies,16(2), 70-97
- Pascoe, E. A., & Smart Richman, L. (2009). Perceived discrimination and health: a meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 135(4), 531
- Jasperse, Marieke Lyniska (2009). "Persevere in Adversity: Perrceived Religious Discrimination and Islamic Identity as Predictors of Psychological Wellbeing in Muslim Women in New Zealand" (PDF). New Zealand: Victoria University of Wellington. hdl:10063/1005. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2018-09-28. Retrieved 2018-09-28. Cite journal requires
- Ahmed, Leila (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-05583-2.
- Aslan, Reza, No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, Random House, 2005
- Bloom, Jonathan; Blair, Sheila (2002). Islam: A Thousand Years of Faith and Power. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09422-0.
- El Guindi, Fadwa (1999). Veil: Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Oxford: Berg. ISBN 978-1-85973-929-7.
- Elver, Hilal. The Headscarf Controversy: Secularism and Freedom of Religion (Oxford University Press; 2012); 265 pages; Criticizes policies that serve to exclude pious Muslim women from the public sphere in Turkey, France, Germany, and the United States.
- Esposito, John (2003). The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-512558-0.
|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Hijab|
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Hijab.|
|Wikinews has previous reports related to this article:|
- In graphics: Muslim veils." BBC. - Drawings of different types of Islamic women's clothing
- ReOrienting the Veil - University of North Carolina Chapel Hill with support from the Center of European Studies - Website discussing global hijab usage
- Hijab Styles - Devostock public domain images. - Images of different types of Islamic Veil